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"I
would rather have a completely free press, with all the dangers involved in
the wrong use of that freedom, than a suppressed or regulated press.”
--Pundit Jawahar Lal
Nehru
Contrast
this sublime view of first prime Minister of independent India with renewed
move of the Congress-led Union Government to `regulate’ broadcast media.
`Consultations’ with various stakeholders including civil society
organizations besides, of course, various bodies of the industry are
underway. The justification for this move that the Government offers is “the
issue of setting up a regulator for broadcasting services and prescription
of a content code has been the subject matter of various Parliamentary
Committee reports, judicial pronouncements, request from the state
Government (s) and the civil society organizations over the past several
years”.
Again, in
order not to be seen on the wrong side of liberal democratic practices, it
prescribes in its draft Broadcasting Services regulation Bill the process of
setting up a Broadcasting Regulatory Authority of India (BRAI). Section
15(1) (Ch-3) of draft bill reads “The Chairperson and the members of the
Authority shall be appointed by the Central Government (emphasis supplied)
on the recommendations of a Committee consisting of the Chairman of the
Council Of States (Rajya Sabha), the Speaker of the House of the People (Lok
Sabha) and the Leader of the opposition in the House of the People (Lok
Sabha).
Now who
will control the BRAI? Its chairman and members will be appointees of the
Government and by the Government (all the members of the committee are from
political class—a class whose own credibility in public perception is no
better than that of the media. Section 18 of the chapter under sub-heading
Removal, Suspension or Resignation of Chairperson and members reads “ The
central Government may remove from office or suspend the Chairperson or any
member of the Authority who ….(g) abuses his position so as to render his
continuance in office prejudical to public interest (emphasis supplied).
Entire
draft gives an impression that in India the Government is only custodian of
public interest, and the politicians in the top niche the real upholders of
virtue. While creating a façade of an independent `regulator’ it also
ensures that the bureaucracy remains the main agency to punish the `erring’
and `defaulting’ broadcasting media. Section 25 of the proposed act
empowers the SPs (in districts) or Commissioners of police besides SDMs to
inspect, search and seize equipment etc and to prosecute, on a written
compliant by the concerned Licensing Authority …… to receive and enquire
into complaints from consumer groups or individual consumers or others
regarding content or quality of service and report to the Licensing
Authority for appropriate action”.
The
preamble of the draft bill further reads “Whereas airwaves are public
property and it is felt necessary to regulate the use of such airwaves in
national and public interest, particularly with a view to ensuing proper
dissemination of content….” . Intentions are loud and clear. The Government
will decide what is proper and what is in national and public interest—an
unacceptable formulation in a free democracy.
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The
Government in its enthusiasm to shackle `powerful purveyor of ideas and
values’ (its own admission in the preamble) into submission forgot the
constitutional mandate. Article 19(1) (a) makes people’s right to know as
fundamental right with some limits to this right under some specified heads
in 19(2). The heads are sovereignty and integrity of India, security of
State, friendly relations with foreign States, public order, decency or
morality or in relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an
offence.
Ironically
public or national interest does not figure in that and therefore the State
cannot restrict freedom of expression “in the interests of the general
public”. The same restriction under 19 (6)) limits the right to practice any
profession, or to carry on any occupation, trade or business.
This finer
difference of the Constitutional provisions must be understood by the
Government. Freedom of express unlike other fundamental rights has been put
on a different pedestal by the Constitution-makers.
Another
example of intended arbitrariness. Section 4 (2) of the draft bill titled
“Registration of Channels and compliance with the content code” reads: The
Authority may refuse to register a channel, if it is of the considered
opinion that the content of the channel is likely to threaten (emphasis
supplied) the security and integrity of the State or threaten peace and
harmony or public order in the whole or part of the country, or threaten
relations with foreign countries”. Thus just on an `apprehension’ an
individual can be disallowed registration for launching a channel.
While the
Union Minister for Information and Broadcasting did express her views saying
her government has no intentions to control the media, the text of the draft
bill and subsequent `consultations with stakeholders’ clearly show the
intentions of the powers-that-be. Chapter 6 of the Bill titled Miscellaneous
under sec 50 reads “The central Government may, from time to time, issue to
the Authority such directions as it may deem necessary in the interest of
the sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of the State, friendly
relations with foreign countries, public order” and next section makes it
binding on the Authority ie BRAI.
What is
surprising is that there are a dozen laws which restrict media including the
Cable Television Network Act , 1995. But the Government seems more
interested in creating a regulator so as to control news content.
Thomas
Jefferson , the American President had said in 1786 “Our liberty cannot be
guarded but by the freedom of the press, nor that be limited without danger
of losing it.
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[The author is General Secretary, Broadcast Editors’
Association (BEA), and can be contacted at email:
singh.nk@etv.co.in
, 2E/12, Jhandewalan Extension New Delhi 110055 M-bile 9312623020]